Archaeology // Curation // Exploration

Tuesday, February 07, 2012

Modeling Roman Land Use and Environment:
Epigraphy, Servitudes, and Game Theory

...we have all too often lacked, or failed to consider, conceptual frameworks of theory in which to examine Man's relationship to his environment, the manner in which he weighs the alternatives presented, and the rationality of his choices once they have been made....
---Peter Gould

In the study of Roman agricultural patterns it is important to have a conceptual framework in which to place the fragmentary information and evidence that is available from epigraphy, Roman law, and landscape archaeology. For the past few months I have been experimenting with Game Theoretical Models and the concept of Nash Equilibrium trying to see what type of land use models would arise.

The basis of game theory was first laid down in the late 1940's by the mathematician John von Neumann and the economist Oskar Mogenstern in their now classic book



the Theory of Games and Economic Behavior. In the book von Neumann gives the proof of the Minimax Theorem, which is central to game theoretic reasoning and that he first approached in 1928. In the 1944 book, von Neumann placed the theorem within the context of linear inequalities and the theory of convexity, which was later updated with more formal proofs of equilibrium states by John Forbes Nash.

My current work on modeling land use and some of the environmental decisions made by Roman farmers takes its real start however, from a conversation that I had with Waldo Tobler, Emeritus Professor of Geography at California, Santa Barbara, about 8 years ago. I had just read Peter Gould’s paper on African farmers in General Systems Theory, a paper that would later lead me to his seminal work, Man against the Environment. I knew that Tobler was close to Gould and that he was also playing around with some game theory during these years, and so I asked Tobler about the paper. What was most impressive to me in all this was not really Gould’s mathematics, but rather his vision of what game theory might be able to do in geographical sciences, that even simple matrix games had a spatial component that few geographers had thought to utilize.

One of the things that Gould wrote and that struck me as profound was that , “we have all too often lacked, or failed to consider, conceptual frameworks of theory in which to examine Man's relationship to his environment, the manner in which he weighs the alternatives presented, and the rationality of his choices once they have been made.” The rationality part instantly jumped out at me. As you may or may not know, the idea of rationality is an area of hot debate when it comes to questions of the Roman economy. There are many scholars, especially after Finley’s seminal book called The Ancient Economy, who believe that to consider Roman farmers and landowners as ‘rational’, in the sense of their maximizing the yield from their farms and thinking about market forces, is to project too much of a modern conception of a market economy onto the past. More recently however, some scholars like Dennis Kehoe, Cynthia Jordan Bannon and D. W. Rathbone, using legal inscriptions and the everyday account books of farms that survive as papyrus fragments, have started to use economic models and things like the theory of the commons to talk about Roman markets and agricultural estate management. Each of them in their own way incorporates many of the terms and categories of game and decision theory in their analysis. Perhaps the best book that accepts and summarizes the presence of ‘rational’ actors in the Roman economy is a book by Paul Erdkamp, entitled, The Grain Market in the Roman Empire: a social, political and economic study. Erdkamp puts forward many different models in the book, and summarizes the economic theory in his historical examinations and reconstructions. His is the sort of book that makes you anxious when you read it, as it gives you a good idea of how much you do not know and how long it takes to make any real progress in this area.

My own models are simply extensions of this kind of work. One group of Gould’s papers, from which my research certainly takes its inspiration, was written by him in the 1960's. His papers, "Wheat on Kilimanjaro: the perception of choice in game and learning model frameworks," and "Man against His Environment: a game theoretic framework", were among the first attempts to use the concepts of game theory and Nash equilibrium to look into agricultural land use. These papers, and a few others, were also discussed in an early review article on these methods written by David Harvey, "Theoretical Concepts and the Analysis of Agricultural Land-Use Patterns in Geography." It is in fact from Harvey’s book, Models in Geography that my concept of geographic model derives.

Harvey asserts, in his review article on agricultural land use, that at the time he was writing, many geographers tended to ignore theoretical breakthroughs from other disciplines, mainly on the "grounds that they proved too abstract to help in the search for unique causes of specific events." To counter this he quotes from William Bunge, whose book Theoretical Geography transformed geography and opened up an analytical window for the field, suggesting a more theoretical and inherently mathematical approach to the study of geographical and spatial distributions. To me Bunge’s book is the most important work of geography in the 20th century and I still mine it for inspiration.

Most of Harvey's paper is dedicated to outlining the requirements for a set of theoretical and conceptual elements to constitute a model in geography. A model, according to Harvey, requires a set of relationships to be established that somehow link the input, status and output variables in a specific way. This linkage must quantify the model mathematically in order for it to be tested. For Harvey, the relationships of the variables in the model can be of three distinctive types:

1. Deterministic relationships which specify cause and effect sequences.
2. Probabilistic relationships which specify the likelihood of a particular cause leading to a particular effect.
3. Functional relationships which specify how two variables are related or correlated without necessarily having any causal connection at all.

For agricultural models Harvey makes a distinction between two types of frameworks, one in which the underlying structure is normative and therefore, describes what ought to be under certain assumptions. The second, is descriptive, and describes what it is that exists. These distinctions are extremely important when we try to interpret game theoretical models, especially in something as difficult to conceptualize as the Roman economy.

In his early research Gould, using a normative game theoretic model, studied a group of African farmers around Kilimanjaro and analyzed how they decided what to plant in varying environmental conditions. Gould understood the patterns of land-use and the choices made by farmers are the result of decisions made either individually or collectively and that it might be useful to try to model those decisions in a game theoretical framework. In Gould's models the environment is one player and the farmer is another. Each of the players is faced with a number of different strategies the solution of which is the game's equilibrium. Using simple matrix games he was able to construct cartographic representations of various equilibrium alternatives that could be compared to what was in the fields.In his early research, Gould studied a group of African farmers around Kilimanjaro using decision theory to analyze how they decided what to plant in varying environmental conditions. Gould understood the patterns of land-use and the choices made by farmers are the result of decisions made either individually or collectively and that it might be useful to try to model those decisions in a game theoretical framework. In Gould's models the environment is one player and the farmer is another. Each of the players is faced with a number of different strategies the solution of which is the game's equilibrium.

Importantly, Gould realized that the game theory of the time was still algorithmically primitive and that his results determined neither how the farmers actually behaved nor how they should have behaved in an absolute sense, but rather how they should behave if they want to achieve particular results. In strategic games, such as the one Gould proposed in his papers, Nash equilibria are a set of actions amongst the payers that lead to a steady state. It is a position in the game in which each player holds the correct expectation about the other player and behaves and acts rationally according to his choices. Gould uses the simple graphical solutions to the matrix games he creates which I found so attractive early on in Harold Kuhn’s lectures. For more on Kuhn and John Nash watch the video of a recent seminar they gave together at Princeton, here.

The concept of equilibrium is not so straightforward here as one might think, and it can be interpreted in several ways. For example, when we say that a physical system is in equilibrium we might mean that it is in a stable state, one in which all the causal forces internal to the system are in balance. This is the traditional economic meaning of equilibria. The variables are dynamic however, and the balance between them that makes up the equilibrium can be thought of as networks of mutually constraining relations. Equilibria can then be considered as endogenously stable states of the model. Some scholars however, interpret game theoretic equilibria as being explanatory of the process of strategic reasoning alone. For them a solution must be an outcome that a rational agent would predict using the mechanisms of rational computation alone. The meaning of equilibrium states is still a matter of discussion in the literature of game theory and has interesting philosophical implications to how we view and interpret what the models tell us outside of their mathematical formalism. (For more on the interpretation of game theoretical results see Ariel Rubinstein's seminal paper Comments on the Interpretation of Game Theory or the Philosophy of Game Theory by Grune-Yanoff.

The current models I am working with are of course much more complex than anything Gould could have considered, as he lacked both the mathematics and the computing power. New techniques like quantal response functions, which allow us to look at probable actions, are much more powerful and yield much more interesting results. They were first introduced by McKelvey and Palfrey in the late 1990s and considered mathematically for the possibility that the players will make mistakes and therefore they give more realistic results than anything Gould imagined, at least we hope they do.

The power of models in historical geography is that you can look at many different scenarios and compare them with the little actual historical data you have. I would never assert that what I am doing actually gives me any definitive answers on what decisions Roman farmers made or how they planted, rather they show me what possibilities there were and how to rank them. Most importantly however, they greatly inform my thinking about the Roman economy in its most empirical form, and since I do not have the disciplinary constraints on my ideas that an economic historian might, I can push the limits of the models for purely theoretical and curiosity reasons.
My hope is that these methods will yield an 'experimental' historical geography, an acceptance of simulation as a method in historical studies. These simulations have the potential to shed light on the decision alternatives that face farmers and estate owners acting within primitive or developing economies. They give us a glimpse into how historically farmers interacted with their environment on a mainly cognitive level, allowing us to consider the choices they made and how their decisions affected the landscape around them. This to me, and to other geographers before me, like Gould and Harvey, is certainly a central geographical question.

For those interested I am using a software package that can calculate the Nash equilibria for games with large numbers of players, or in this case environmental variables called GAMBIT.
http://www.gambit-project.org/doc/index.html
It is an open source program and you can have a great deal of fun experimenting with variables and how they change the equilibrium outcome.

Thursday, January 05, 2012

Random Walks Across the Atlantic:
Stochastic Processes and the Geometry of the Early Renaissance Portolan Chart

What the historian of cartography should be concerned with is a systematic study of the factors effecting error, and seek to establish their cause and variability and the statistical parameters by which error is characterized...
--J.B. Harley


When one is considering trying to model the accuracy of the Medieval and Renaissance Portolan chart it is useful to reflect upon what types of data might have been used in order to construct these charts, such as the one from around 1300-1320, shown below and which is part of the collections of the Geography and Map Division at the Library of Congress. If we assume that these charts are simply graphic displays of information measured by sailors and navigators we can ask ourselves what type of information might have been used in the charts construction and what is the statistical error that might reside in such measurements?[1].


Calculated isolines of rotation that mimic lines of magnetic declination

see my presentation at the LOC's Conference on Portolans Charts at:


Any model of measurement that includes measurement instruments, such as the compass or the hour-glass, can be thought of using classic measurment models which are composed of three parts.

1. a family of observables M (physical magnitudes like declination and longitude) each with a range of possible values.
2. a set states S...physical states of both the system measured and of the measuring system.
3. a stochastic response function P for each m in M and s in S, which is a probability measure of the range m with P to be interpreted as the probability that a measurement of m will give a value in E, if performed when the state is s [2].

So what does these mean for Portolan Charts? If, as I mentioned earlier, we think of a nautical chart as the graphic expression of empirical sailing measurements, we can ask ourselves how accurate is the data that went into the cartographic representation, and is there a way for us to compare the actual data, assuming it survives, with the chart in a way that is mathematically consistent and has significance tests. There are many surviving examples of log books from transatalantic voyages, but few if any statistcal studies of the actual data that was compiled in them. One important example of such a compilation was done by the cartographer Guillaime Delisle in 1705. He collected about 10,000 positional and declination measurements in a series of notebooks that still survive in the National Archives in Paris. This information has never been published, but contains a wealth of historical measurements taken at sea during the 16th and 17th centuries that might give us some idea of how accurate the data available to Portolan makers was.

Considering the date of Delisle's data, we must recognize that the positional measurements he cites are mostly based on dead-reckoning and astronomical navigation, coming as they do before the invention of the nautical chronometer. The fact that these measurements are based on dead-reckoning helps us to model the error involved because we can think of the error in positional measurement as serially correlated. Practically, this means that as a voyage proceeds the error in a particular positional measurement also incorporates the error found in the previous positional readings. The positional measurements were then corrected by the navigator when land was sighted, and hence the error forms a series of independent legs[3].

If we look at Delisle's data and a make a scatter plot of the individual errors in longitude accumulated as a function of time between points of land fixing, we can see by the figure below that the error forms a Gaussian distribution.

If we graph the error in positional fixation geographically using the difference in actual (modern) versus measured position we get a figure of the type shown below.



The fact that the scatter in the data is Gaussian and that it can be represented in figures like that shown above leads one to believe that the data on Portolan charts can be modeled using particular stochastic processes such as those known as the Random Walk and the Brownian Bridge[4].

According to the historical data found in most log books, two situations arise in the numbers that correspond to each of the models mentioned earlier:

1. a leg of a voyage starts from a known location and then a number of positional observations are made before the leg of the journey finishes with no geographical endpoint noted in the log book. This type of data fits the model of the classic Random walk.

2. a leg of a journey begins at a known starting point follwed by a number of positional observations and land-sightings, concluding at a known location. This type of data fits the pattern of a stochastic model known as a Brownian bridge[5]. In the case of the Random walk, the error pattern that emerges is the result of the accumulation of errors that are independent of each other, so-called independent increments. The idea of independent increments is applicable in the case of voyages where dead-reckoning was employed because the error contributes cumulatively to the positional uncertainty and the errors are not systematic but rather random with many causes.
We can therefore express the error accumulation by the above equation. Each time a positional measurement is made it increases the overall error by a small increment. Assuming a Gaussian distribution of the error leads to the summation,

The variance of this summation is the quantity that we are looking to model, as it will allow us to correlate the root mean square error for positional measurements taken from the log books, and that which would have been incorporated into the charts themselves. If we solve for the variance we can see that it is increasing with the length of the voyage, as we would of course expect from serially correlated errors.



When we actually graph the positional error from the log books against the models we find that the root mean square error for a voyage of, say, 50 days for example, is between 1 and 4.4 degrees with larger numbers for very long journeys. These two RMS minimums and maximums are shown in the log-log plot below. As it is very rare for a journey to last more than 5o days without a known positional fixation or land sighting, the Random walk model is probably representative of the error that might be found using the more mathematically complex Brownian bridge.



If we look at Portolan Charts that show the transatlantic regions, the Cantino Planisphere for example, we can compare our stochastic models with the calculations of scale error that we have accomplished using Huber tranformations.


Rotation and Scale Distortion on the Cantino Planisphere....for more on this see the Washington Post's Article on my research at:
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/05/21/AR2010052104713.html

The RMS found in the data is comparable with the RMS found on the charts which, depending on local variations, is between 3 and 5.2 degrees. Although this shows us clearly that the data found in the log books matches the error found on the charts, it does not say anything about how the Portolan makers compiled the information they used...a problem that still awaits a real theory.

[1]. For more on Medieval Portolan Charts see Tony Campbell's seminal article and survey in Volume 1 of the History of Cartography, "Portolan Charts from the Late Thirteenth Century to 1500".
[2]. See A.R.T. Jonkers, Earth's Magnetism in the Age of Sail, John Hopkins University Press, 2003 for more on the surviving forms of positional and magnetic data and his models in "Four Centuries of Geomagnetic Secular Variation", Philosophical Transactions (2000) 957-990.
[3]. The philosophy and probabilty of measurement processes have been the subject of any number of articles. A good modern treatment can be found in Bass van Fraassen's, Scientific Representation: Paradoxes of Perspective, Oxford University Press, 2008. For a more formal treatment one should also consult the relevant sections on probability in his book, The Scientific Image, Oxford Library of Logic and Philosophy, 1980.
[4]. Rabi N. Bhattacharya and Edward C. Waymire, Stochastic Processes with Applications, Siam Classics in Applied Mathematics, 2009.
[5]. An interesting example of the type of data that we are concerned with here can be found in J.M. Vaquero's study "A note on some measurements of geomagnetic declination in 1776 and 1778", Physics of Earth and Planetary Interiors 152 (2005) 62-66.

Thursday, December 15, 2011

Written in Stone: Epigraphy, the Codex Iustinianus, and the Geography of Roman Petition and Response

Quacunque enim ingredimur in aquila historia vestigum imponimus.
[Wherever we step, we tread on one or another scene of history]
--Cicero, De Finibus, 5.5

This project centers around the epigraphy of Roman land ownership and environmental law, such as agrarian and water rights, and their relationship to the Codex of Justinian. Although the Codex records many of the imperial rescripts relating to these subjects, it does not contain most of the petitions that these recripts were written in response to. To look closely at this one must turn to legal records that have not been edited, shortened on interpreted by late-antique and medieval scribes and jurists. The only documents of this type are found in legal inscriptions, most of which survive from North Africa and the Middle East.

These inscriptions, when looked at through a more geographic lense, show regional variations in legal practice and shed light on how the Romans adapted themselves to differences in environment and the agricultural practises of the native populations in the provinces.


My research will consist in looking through the vast and very understudied collections of inscriptions from museums in Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, and other collections, along with writing geographical commentaries on some of the more famous inscriptions like Henchir Mettich, (pictured above in a photo I took in the storeroom of the Bardo in Tunis), Lamasba (Ain Merawa) and Aga Bey Koyu from the Usak Museum, along with many more.